It is better for a man to be silent and be [a Christian],
Than to talk and not to be one. It is good to teach, if he who speaks also acts.
There is then one Teacher, who spoke and it was done;
While even those things which He did in silence are worthy of the Father.
He who possesses the word of Jesus, is truly able to hear even His very silence,
That he may be perfect, and may both act as he speaks,
And be recognized by his silence.
***
William Weinrich [In Recovering Biblical Manhood and Womanhood]
observes correctly that it was during the patristic and medieval
periods that “patterns of conduct and ecclesial behavior were developed
and solidified,” and that the fathers of the Reformation adopted the
medieval practice of excluding women from the clergy “without question.”
Martin
Luther (d.1547) consistently maintained a priesthood of all believers
(especially on the basis of 1 Peter 2:9). This common priesthood
possesses the right and power to exercise all “priestly offices” (teach,
preach, baptize, administer the Eucharist, bind and loose sin, pray for
others, sacrifice, judge doctrine and spirits). Yet, Luther habitually
combines 1 Corinthians 14:34 with Genesis 3:16 to assert that women are
excluded from the public exercise of the common priesthood. In view of
the “ordinance and creation of God” that women are subject to their
husbands, Paul forbade women “to preach in the congregation where men
are present who are skilled in speaking, so that respect and discipline
may be maintained.” However, if no man is present to preach, then “it
would be necessary for the woman to preach.” For Luther, the apostolic
prohibition of 1 Corinthians 14:34 was determinative.
But
if Genesis 3:16 does not describe what should be, why did Luther
connect the verse with 1 Corinthians 14:34 to affirm that women were
excluded from the common priesthood? Because he followed tradition and
not all traditions follow the Bible.
Luther’s
exclusion of women has it’s origin in a tradition begun by Tertullian
(145-220). Karen Jo Torjesen describes Tertullian’s vision of the church
as an essentially Roman institution.
Tertullian’s
description of the Christian community dramatically marks the
transition of the model of the church from the household or private
association to the body politic. With him the church became a legal body
(
corpus or
societas, the term the Romans used for the body politic) unified by a common law (
lex fidei, “the law of faith”) and a common discipline (
disciplina,
Christian morality). For Tertullian the church, like Roman society,
united a diversity of ethic groups into one body under the rule of one
law… Tertullian conceived the society of the church as analogous to
Roman society, divided into distinct classes or ranks, which were
distinguished from one another in terms of honor and authority.
Only those who were full members of the political body could possess ius docendi (the legal right to teach) and ius baptizandi (legal
right to baptize). Women could not be full members and therefore they
were excluded from the clergy. But Tertullian excluded women also from
the laity, for although the laity could perform the legal functions in
the absence of the clergy, women could not.
“It is not permitted to a
woman
to speak in the church; but neither (is it permitted her) to teach, nor
to baptize, nor to offer, nor to claim to herself a lot in any manly
function, not to say (in any) sacerdotal office.”
Weinrich considers Tertullian “a representative voice” of the universal church of the second century,
but he cannot do so without excluding women from the church altogether.
Thomas Aquinas continued to connect 1 Corinthians 14:34 to Genesis 3:16 in the Medieval Church.
The
apostle says: “Let women keep silence in the churches,” and “I suffer
not a woman to teach.” Now this pertains especially to the grace of the
word. Therefore the grace of the word is not becoming to women. … First
and chiefly, on account of the condition attaching to the female sex,
whereby women should be subject to man, as appears from Genesis 3:16.
Now teaching and persuading publicly in the church belong not to
subjects but to prelates (although men who are subjects may do these
things if they be so commissioned, because their subjection is not a
result of their natural sex, as it is with women, but of some thing
supervening by accident). Secondly, lest men’s minds be enticed to lust,
for it is written (Sirach 9.11): “Her conversation burneth as fire.”
Thirdly, because as a rule women are not perfected in wisdom, so as to
be fit to be intrusted [sic] with public teaching.”
Luther
inherited Thomas’s theology, and the Protestant churches have continued
Luther’s habit of connecting Genesis 3:16 and 1 Corinthians 14:34-35,
as seen in William MacDonald’s
Believer’s Bible Commentary.
We
believe that the expression ‘as the law also says’ has reference to the
woman’s being submissive to the man. This is clearly taught in the law,
which here probably means the Pentateuch primarily. Genesis 3:16, for
instance says “your desire shall be for your husband, and he shall rule
over you.”
But
MacDonald cannot remain consistent in his theology, for Christian
freedom from the law is one of the central themes of the New Testament.
The
Christian has died to the law; he has nothing more to do with it. …
Christians who desire to be under the law as a pattern of
behavior do not realize that this places them under its curse
. Moreover, they cannot touch the law in one point without being responsible to keep it completely. The only way we can live to God is by being dead to the law.
***
Although Tertullian believed women ought to be silenced in the church, he did not know what to make of the reference to the Law.
When
enjoining on women silence in the church, that they speak not for the
mere sake of learning (although that even they have the right of
prophesying, he has already shown when he covers the woman that
prophesies with a veil), he goes to the law for his sanction that woman
should be under obedience. Now this law, let me say once for all, he
ought to have made no other acquaintance with, than to destroy it.
By
the fourth century, the Law no longer posed a problem, for the
inferiority of the woman and the sole guilt of Eve had changed the
meaning of Genesis 3:16 from a consequence of sin to a commandment of
God. Chrysostom combined 1 Corinthians 14:34 with Genesis 3:16 without
discussion and maintained that women should be silent in the Church
because “the woman is in some sort a weaker being and easily carried
away and light minded.”
In
the eighteenth- and nineteenth-century theology the inferiority of the
woman was the reason for her silence. Matthew Henry concluded that women
ought to be silent and refrain from teaching in the Church because, “it
is the woman's duty to learn in subjection, it is the man's duty to
keep up his superiority, by being able to instruct her.”
Adam Clarke believed women prophesied in the Early Church because of 1
Cor 11:5, but because of the apparent contradiction with 1 Cor 14:34, he
concluded that the latter forbade only asking questions, not all
speech.
Clarke thought “the law” had reference to Genesis 3:16, as did Barnes
and Tertullian, but although Tertullian allowed women to pray and
prophesy, Barnes concluded that the silencing of women in the Church
could not be disputed because the rule was “positive, explicit, and
universal.”
He equated foreign languages and prophesy with public speaking and
therefore they were only for “the male portion of the congregation.” And
as to the contradiction between chapters 11 and 14, for Barnes there
was none, for he thought Paul was forbidding women from speaking “on
every ground.”
D.A.
Carson disagrees with Weinrich’s approval of Luther’s habit of
connecting Genesis 3:16 and 1 Corinthians 14:34 in his essay Silent in the Churches.
By
this clause [the law says], Paul is probably not referring to Genesis
3:16, as many suggest, but to the creation order in Genesis 2:20b-24,
for it is to that Scripture that Paul explicitly turns to on two others
occasions when he discusses female roles (1 Corinthians 11.8, 9; 1
Timothy 2:13).
But
the new connection is not without problems. The phrase “the law says”
is found three times in the New Testament: Rom 3:19, 1 Cor 9:8, and 1
Cor 14:34. Carson concedes that Paul usually provides the actual verse
from the Old Testament, which is true of the first two examples, but he
believes Paul has already provided the verse (Genesis 2:20-4) in 1
Corinthians 11. Carson believes also that the reference to the Law
should be understood as Scripture, which includes the Creation account. However, Genesis 1-3 is not called “the Law” or “Scripture” in the Bible; it is always called “the beginning.” Hence “the law” cannot refer to Genesis 2:20-24.
Carson
recognizes the problem of reconciling 1 Cor 11:3-16 with 14:34-35,
wherefore he suggests that the former allows women to prophesy, but that
the latter forbids them from evaluating prophecies. Because Carson
acknowledges that the whole church should participate in the evaluation
of teaching (Acts 17:11; Rev 2:2-3) he creates a distinction in which
women are (1) allowed to prophesy, but not allowed to evaluate prophecy;
and (2) disallowed to teach, but allowed to evaluate teaching. If "the
careful weighing of prophecies falls under the magisterial function" of
the teaching authority, why does not the evaluation of teaching
considering Carson’s belief that teaching is superior to prophesying?
Also George W. Knight III recognizes that 1 Cor 11:3-16 allows women to pray and to prophesy in his essay The Family and the Church, but he views 1 Corinthians 14:34-35 as a prohibition for women to teach in a church setting.
This
is seen in Paul's treatment of the gifts in 1 Corinthians 11-14, where
women are excluded only from speaking in church (1 Corinthians 14:34-5)
where congregational "teaching" is involved (1 Corinthians 14:26; notice
that the items listed in verse 26 correspond with the subjects dealt
with in verses 27 and 35 [with only the first item, "a psalm," not dealt
with in these verses] and in particular notice that "teaching" [NASB]
in verse 26 is the one-word description for the "speaking" Paul will
deal with when it comes to women in verses 34-35). These women are
recognized as properly participating in praying and prophesying, for
example, but are only asked not to throw off the cultural sign of their
submission when they do so (1 Corinthians 11:1-6).
Knight does not explain how the "one-word description" of "teaching" can be "speaking" (laleo)
in 1 Corinthians 14:34, considering the word is connected to both
tongues and prophecy three times in verses 27-29. Neither does he have a
reason why women should learn (manthano) at home when the purpose of prophecy is that all may learn (manthano) at church (v. 31).
The context of 1 Corinthians 14 is speech. (Laleo
is used twenty-four times in chapter 14.) In verses 1-25 Paul explains
why the Corinthians should desire to prophesy rather than to speak in
tongues; in verses 26-40 he explains the proper way of prophesying and
speaking in tongues. Moreover, Paul considered prophesying, which both
men and women participated in, equivalent to teaching, for he wrote,
“But one who prophesies speaks [laleo] to men for edification [oikodome] and exhortation [paraklesis] and consolation… For you can all prophesy one by one, so that all may learn and all may be exhorted [parakaleo]”
(Cor 14:3, 31, NAS). The purpose of their gathering together - the
psalms, teachings, tongues, revelations and interpretations - was
edification (oikodome, v. 26). Therefore prophesy was not distinguished from teaching as to its purpose. In addition, exhortation (paraklesis)
is equivalent to declaring divine truths - such as the gospel, as seen
in Acts 13:15-52, Hebrews 13:22, and 1 Thessalonians 2:2-3 - and people
are expected to learn as a result. Since prophesying is a form of
teaching, it is impossible that Paul excluded women from teaching, and
consequently, the evaluation of prophesy.
***
Because
of the difficulties associated with the former connection to Genesis
3:16, the meaning of “the law” and the impossibility to reconcile the
two verses with chapter 11, it has been suggested that 1 Corinthians
14:34-35 is an interpolation (a later addition). Carson rejects the
possibility on the grounds that “it is hard to believe that none of the
earliest copies had any influence on the second-and third century
textual traditions to which we have access.” But because all of the Western witnesses place 1 Corinthians 14:34-35 after verse 40, Carson concludes that it would take only one copyist to introduce a transposition of a verse “presumably early enough to capture the Western tradition.” If one
copyist could create a uniform tradition by changing the position of a
verse without the earlier copies having an influence on the later
textual tradition, why cannot the same be true of an interpolation?
It is likely that 1 Corinthians 14:34-35 was instrumental in
changing the interpretation of Genesis 3:16, for it is connected to
Genesis 3:16 only when the verse is viewed as a commandment. Because the
interpretation of Genesis 3:16 was changed before the end of the second
century, the interpolation must have been created in the early second
century – early enough to change the textual traditions of the second
and third centuries.
Carson is aware that the Western tradition knew of a variant position, but he is mistaken of the variant itself.
The
relevant textual evidence is quickly stated. Verses 34-35 appear in all
known manuscripts, either in their present position, or in the case of
all Western witnesses, after verse 40 (D F G 88* a b d f g Ambrosiaster
Sedulius-Scotus). In addition, Codex Fuldensis (a Latin manuscript
written between A.D. 541, and A.D. 546 by order of Bishop Victor of
Capua) places the verses after verse 40, but also inserts them in the
margin after verse 33. It appears that, despite the uniformity of the
Western tradition, Victor, or those who worked at his bidding, became
aware of the placement of the verses outside their own tradition and
signaled their hesitation in this way.
Carson
believes the variant concerns the location of the two verses, but B.M.
Metzger, whose error Carson perpetuates, admitted to Philip B. Payne
that he had never seen the actual text. After viewing a photocopy of the
manuscript, which shows that Bishop Victor ordered a rewriting of
verses 36-40 in the bottom margin and not next to verse 33 and after
verse 40, he admitted that “his statement in the Textual Commentary on the NT is in error.” As Payne explains, the scribe placed a symbol next to verse 33 to signal where to begin to read the text found in the bottom margin,
I
conclude that Bishop Victor ordered the rewriting of 1 Cor 14:34-40 in
the margin of Codex Fuldensis with vv. 34-[3]5 omitted and that there is
a text-critical siglum that indicates the scribe’s awareness of a
textual variant at the beginning of 1 Cor 14:34 in codex Vaticanus. This
text-critical evidence, plus the evidence from the non-Western ms 88*
and Vulgate ms Reginensis with vv. 34-[3]5 transposed after v. 40, makes
an already strong case for interpolation even stronger.
Professor
Metzger agreed that “the most natural explanation is that Victor
ordered the rewriting of the text of 1 Cor 14.36-40 to replace all of
vv. 34-40 in the text above and that this implies that Victor believed
that 34-[3]5 was an interpolation.”
The
Codex Fuldensis (A.D. 546) is the earliest dated manuscript of the New
Testament and the only manuscript edited by “one of the eminent scholars
of the early church,” Bishop Victor, who combined Tatia’s Diatessaron (the four Gospels) and Jerome’s Vulgate, which he substituted for the Old Latin.
Payne concludes that “we must assume that Victor had sufficient
evidence to convince him that the Vulgate text was wrong at 1 Cor
14:34-[3]5.”
The Vulgate included also 1 John 5:7-8 with a preface claiming to be
written by St. Jerome which “accuses the Latin translators of omitting
this testimonium.” Bishop Victor omitted these verses, which supports the existence of interpolations in the Vulgate.
As
noted before, Carson believes the second and third century textual
traditions should have been affected by the first wherefore an early
interpolation would have been impossible. But the
incorrect rendering of Genesis 3:16 in the Vulgate was not challenged
in the fifth century although Hebrew Bibles and the Septuagint were
widely available. It is therefore not surprising that an interpolation
of the same nature had been readily accepted and that the dissenting
voices were few and far apart.
That
a text bearing a striking similarity to 1 Corinthians 14:34-35 is found
in the writings of Flavius Josephus, the Jewish historian, strengthens the likelihood of an early interpolation.
The woman, says the law, is in all things inferior to the man. Let her accordingly be submissive, not for her humiliation, but that she may be directed, for the authority has been given by God to the man.
Josephus (born in A.D. 37) wrote Against Apion
around A.D. 100, which makes Paul’s letter to the Corinthians an
earlier work. The context of the chapter in which the quote is found is
marriage in Jewish Law. Because the husband’s authority and the woman’s
inferiority are not found in the Old Testament, Josephus was most likely
referring to the Jewish oral law, which he calls “our law.” Josephus
does not demand that the women be silent, for he affirms that all Jews
knew the Law well and that anyone, women and servants included, could
answer inquires.
The silencing of women is found in a speech by Cato the Censor, the second century B.C. moral guardian of the Republican Rome.
According to Livy, recorded in The Early History of Rome…
Cato [the Censor] declared if every man had been concerned to ensure
that his own wife looked up to him and respected his rightful position
as her husband, we should not have become so powerful that our
independence has been lost in our own homes and is now being trampled
and stamped underfoot in public. We have failed to restrain them as
individuals, and now they have combined to reduce us to our present
panic… It made me blush to push through a positive regiment of women a
few minutes ago in order to get here. My respect for the position and
modesty of them as individuals – a respect which I do not feel for them
as a mob – prevented me from doing anything as consul which would
suggest the use of force. Otherwise I should have said to them, “What
do you mean by rushing out in public in this unprecedented fashion,
blocking the streets and shouting out to men who are not husbands? Could
you not have asked your questions at home, and have asked them of your
husbands?”
The
speech was given as a response to the upper-class women who had come to
inquire of the Senate when the Oppian Laws, which had restricted the
display of luxury during the war against Hannibal, were going to be
abolished. Although Cato failed to retain the Oppian Laws, he became the
icon of austere, moral living for all Romans. Tertullian, when
defending the faith, asked the Romans, “Which of these gods of yours is
more remarkable for gravity and wisdom than Cato.” And, Lactantius called Cato “the Chief of Roman wisdom.”
Cato’s
belief that women would not be content with equality makes him a likely
source of an interpolation which mandates the subjection of women.
Woman
is a violent and uncontrolled animal, and it is not good giving her the
reins and expecting her not to kick over the traces. No, you have got
to keep the reins firmly in your own hands… Suppose you allow them to
acquire or to restore one right after another, and in the end to achieve
complete equality with men, do you think that you will find them
bearable? Nonsense. Once they have achieved equality, they will be your masters…
A
religion which made women equal with men would have not been welcomed
by a patriarchal system which recognized only authority and subjection,
for those who live in a hierarchical society seem woefully unable to
trust that their subjects would not wish to rule them in turn if given a
chance. Even today, equality between men and women is as abstract of a
concept as eating grass is for the lion for those who fear the emerging
of a matriarchy that has never existed in the past.
MacDonald proposes laleo
means “to speak authoritatively,” which creates the absurd position of
allowing children, but not women, to speak with authority: “When I was a
child, I spake [laleo] as a child.” (1 Cor. 13:11, KJV; William MacDonald, Believer’s Bible Commentary, [Nashville, TN: Thomas Nelson Publishers, Inc, 1980]).
But if women are not allowed to speak in the church, why did Peter
write if “anyone speaks, let him speak as the oracles of God” (1 Pet.
4:11)? A similar prohibition against female speech is not found in his
letters.
See Isaiah 40:2; 41:26; 46:10; Matthew 19:4-9; 24:19-21; Ecclesiastical
3:10-12; Mark 10:3-9; 13:18-19; Luke 11:49-51; 2 Thessalonians 2:13; 2
Timothy 1:9; Hebrews 1:10-12; 2 Peter 3:3-4; 1 John 3:8.
An alternative translation by William Whiston reads, “But then, what
are our laws about marriage? … For saith the Scripture, “A woman is
inferior to her husband in all things.” Let her, therefore, be obedient
to him; not so, that he should abuse her, but that she may acknowledge
her duty to her husband; for God hath given the authority to the
husband.” (Flavius Josephus Against Apion, in Josephus, The Complete
Works, trans. by William Whiston [Nashville, TN: Thomas Nelson
Publishers, 1998], 2.24).
Lactantius, Of the False Wisdom of Philosophers, Book III, Ch. XVIII.